Those expecting that Tunisia, and Egypt will transit smoothly and quickly to a democratic system will likely be disappointed. Removing a tyrant is just the first step toward a stable democratic system. Scholars argued that it takes two to three decades for any society to adopt to the practice of democracy. They also argued that social and political fundamentals erected in the early stage of the transition, will play a major role in drawing the phases of this transition. Fundamentals as the reconstruction of certain principles like the identity of the nation, the concept of citizenship, and the concept of state secularism, are essential to be debated at a national level, in order to build a different future.
In Egypt, prior to the national referendum on the constitutional amendments, heated debates were heard loud regarding amending Article 2 in the constitution (which says Islam is the religion of the state and Islamic jurisprudence the main source of legislation). Unfortunately the debate didn't gain momentum as it wasn't allowed the space of time and focus. The Article survived the amendment, and probably will survive the new constitution that is supposed to be written by the upcoming parliament.
Those who stand in favor of Article 2 argued that Islam is the identity of majority of Egyptians, in which democracy means the rule of the majority. They also argued that Islamic legislations grant non-Muslims their fare rights. Their arguments confused the concept of "the rule of Majority" with "the domination of Majority", and the "the rights of each" with "the rights of all".
It is true that Islamic empires and legislations absorb non-Muslims. It is also true that Islamic legislations granted non-Muslims their rights to worship, to form their own social structure within the society, .. etc. But it does not treat them as equal to Muslims within the society and the state. Non-Muslims pay (according to Islamic legislations) an extra tax (Gezya), non-Muslim men are not allowed to marry Muslim women, and Muslims are prohibited to convert to the religious doctrine of non-Muslims (Egyptian law punish those who do convert to another religion rather than Islam with the death penalty). Those are clear examples that Islamic legislations does not provide the whole citizens of the state with one package of rights and duties. And a result to Article 2, Islam forms the national identity of Egypt, and it signal out of this identity other minorities of the nation (Coptic Christians form 10% of the Egyptian population). This contradicts with the concept of citizenship and the concept of state secularism, which are essential in building a modern Nation-state.
The upcoming Egyptian parliament must bare in mind while writing the new constitution that it must be written in a form that identifies the nation as one solid body. In any constitution, there are no majority and minorities, there is only one nation and the constitution is a document to define it; if the document define it as one unit, it is an important step toward a national identity that will preserve the national unity. If not, then the constitution is an obstacle to undermine such unity. "Arabic-Islamic culture" (Arabic culture and not ethnicity) is acceptable to be stated in the constitution, as it formed the modern intelligence of the Arab mentality. But the phrase "Islam is the religion of the state and Islamic jurisprudence the main source of legislation" concerns only the Muslim majority and singled out the 10% Coptic-Christians away from the Nation identity. And Egypt must build a future in which majority rule, but does not allow the majority to dominate.
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